![]() … usually associated with words such as emotion and feeling, and a consequent repertoire of terms such as hatred, shame, envy, jealousy, fear, disgust, anger, embarrassment, sorrow, grief, anguish, pride, love, happiness, joy, hope, wonder. For instance, according to the human geographer Nigel Thrift (2004: 59), affective responses are: Aesthetic criminology draws on the philosophical study of aesthetics ( Millie 2016), but also-and of most relevance to this article-writings in urban cultural geography that consider urban affect and emotion, particularly work on sensory urbanism (e.g. It has clear overlaps with the proposed sensory criminology but focuses on how our senses relate to emotions, affect and taste. (2021) that explores-as the book’s subtitle suggests-‘the senses in spaces of punishment and social control’.Īesthetic criminology similarly ‘has interest in all the senses’ ( Millie 2019: 1270) and can be regarded as part of a sensory turn in criminology. This is reflected, for instance, in the publication of ‘ Sensory Penalities’, a collection edited by Kate Herrity et al. This is not a criticism of visual criminology which still has a great deal to offer but extends our appreciation to all the senses in constructions of crime, justice and social harm. Thus, a development from visual criminology has been a suggested sensory criminology ( McClanahan and South 2020)-what may be regarded as a further sensory turn for criminology. According to McClanahan (2021), for instance, a proliferation of crime-related images may lead to ocularcentrism, privileging the visual over other sensory engagement. In recent years, there has also been growing appreciation that our sensory encounters with crime, justice and social harm are not restricted to the visual. From the 2010s onwards, there has been what can be regarded as a visual turn within criminology with the growth of visual criminology that, according to Nicole Rafter (2014: 129) is, ‘the study of ways in which all things visual interact with crime and criminal justice, inventing and shaping one another’ (see also Brown and Carrabine 2017 McClanahan 2021). 2018 García Ruiz and South 2019), an approach to studying crime, justice and social harm that is concerned with our ‘emotive and affective responses to sensory encounters’ and ‘the regulation of tastes’ ( Millie 2017: 16). ![]() The article contributes to an aesthetic criminology ( Millie 2016 2017 2019 Cooper et al. Implications are discussed in terms of criminalization and exclusion from public space. It is argued that street skateboarding is an aesthetic practice-alongside being a leisure and subcultural practice-that challenges the functionality and aesthetic order of the city. The focus for this article is street skateboarding as opposed to skating in purpose-built skateparks-the practice of using and adapting urban landscapes for skating, repurposing everyday city items such as stairs, benches and ledges, turning them into obstacles to be negotiated. In this article, it is argued that it is also deemed to be problematic as it challenges the aesthetic ordering of public spaces, that it is often perceived to interfere with the look and feel of cities that are designed to cater for the ‘consuming majority’ (cf. It can be regarded as problematic due to issues of loitering, the noise associated with skateboarding, trespass, damage to surfaces and the potential for conflict with others’ use of public space (see e.g. Skateboarding has become a focal point for local authorities and agencies who consider skating in public spaces to be uncivil or anti-social (e.g. Rather than criminalizing and excluding skateboarders, it is argued that their aesthetic appreciation of public spaces could add value to city life, that they see and feel the city in ways that ought to add to our emotional and affective appreciation of what it means to live in a city. The context is the duel position of skateboarding, being regarded as both deviant and serious leisure (for instance, featuring for the first time in the Olympics in 2021). The article is supported by evidence from interviews with skateboarders in Manchester, UK. ![]() The article contributes to an aesthetic criminology by arguing that street skateboarding is itself an aesthetic practice, but that this practice challenges the functionality and aesthetic order of the city. In this article, we argue that it can also be regarded as problematic as it interferes with the look and feel of cities as promoted by late-modern capitalism. ![]() Street skateboarders are often excluded from public spaces with skating viewed as anti-social or uncivil.
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